3 mails reçus dans la nuit des Jeunes du 6 avril (c'est un peu long, alors je vais pas traduire en français, désolé, en gros illes racontent comment ca se passe place Tahrir, illes essayent de défendre la révoultion contre à la fois l'Etat qui menace de faire intervenir l'armée, et les forces 'bourgeoises' qui essayent de récupérer le mouvement, Frères muslmans et Baraei...):
"Reports from Cairo on Egypt's revolution and the challenges it faces...
It is two weeks into Egypt’s revolution. The protests that have shaken the Mubarak regime since 25 January have awakened millions and drawn hundreds of thousands into a struggle for change.
Tens of thousands defended Cairo’s Tahrir Square in pitched battles with government thugs on camels and horses last week, while the army looked on.
Hundreds of thousands poured back into the streets on Friday 4 February, and again on Saturday and Sunday—not only in Cairo, but across the country.
As the protests continue, the revolutionary process deepens.
Tahrir Square is a liberated space, a laboratory for popular self-organisation with its own security forces defending the entrances from attack, field hospitals, pharmacies and volunteer squads of street cleaners.
It is a seedbed for new kinds of democracy. Slogans and demands are tested on the crowds. Those who gauge the mood correctly see their ideas spread like fire across the square, echoing into TV studios, through social media networks and even into the corridors of power.
The army sent a senior officer down to the square last Saturday to try and talk the people into leaving. The crowd shouted him down: “We’re not going, Mubarak’s going.”
Amid the ferment of political debate, Tahrir also functions as an organising centre.
“People are going back to the factories from the square to explain the real story of the revolution,” explains Tarek Mustafa, a leader of the independent Property Tax Collectors’ Union.
“People outside are beginning to realise that the Egyptian media is lying when it says that the square is full of Iranian spies.”
But beyond the barricades and the barbed wire, however, the state is not yet broken.
The regime’s ruling party is in disarray. The entire executive committee resigned last Saturday and the president’s son, once considered his heir apparent, has been kicked out of the party.
Layers of the Egyptian bourgeoisie are beginning to articulate demands which only weeks ago were considered revolutionary: dissolution of the newly elected parliament and an end to the state of emergency.
But the repressive core of the state machine remains intact, run by Omar Suleiman—former security chief, Mubarak’s confidant, and now vice-president.
Trucks of riot police are parked up side roads. The army is visible everywhere, even in the square, where protesters sleep beneath the tanks to stop them moving."
"Mubarak's dictatorship and the U.S. government want to stop the revolution in Egypt
A powerful mobilization shakes Egypt. The economy is paralyzed. The Army, which is essential to support Mubarak’s regime, has no political conditions to suppress all the protesters. However, negotiations between the Mubarak’s regime and the bourgeois opposition forces, supported by the American and European imperialism, threaten the revolutionary process.
This strong revolutionary movement that paralyzed Egypt is forcing the U.S. government to defend a "democratic" transition, elections incorporating the bourgeois opposition parties, including the Muslim Brotherhood, the strongest opposition party. This opinion was expressed by President Barack Obama and by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently.
The U.S. imperialism wants to make small changes in order to get the regime stronger in order to keep its essential aspects: The Army and Egypt’s role as the main imperialist ally in the Arab world. Particularly, the US wants to preserve the political agreements between Egypt and Israel.
Obama and Hillary Clinton also criticized the attacks conducted by pro-Mubarak militia against protesters and journalists. They fear that these attacks will lead to a radicalization on the revolutionary process, strengthening the self-defense groups and ruptures in the Army.
Vice-president Omar Suleiman, an ally of the American imperialism, hold a meeting with the bourgeois opposition parties to set the directives of thedemocratic transition. The main proposal is to set up a council to reform the Constitution, so as to limit or abolish the emergency laws, and make easier the recognition of political parties, which today need to be endorsed by the regime to take part in the elections. Not a word about the immediate removal of Hosni Mubarak, the much hated Egyptian dictator, as well as nothing about the other popular demands.
Amidst the bargaining, the government announced 15% increase in the wages of all public employees, starting in April.
Mohamed ElBaradei and the Muslim Brotherhood did not accept the proposal but are really committed to the negotiation with the regime. They try to preserve themselves as bourgeois alternatives in case the regime is not able to stop the revolutionary process.
On the streets the mobilization continues. On Sunday, Feb. 6, about 500,000 people demonstrated in Tahrir Square, the center of the protests. Self organized rank-and-file groups provide the means and the planning to keep Tahrir Square occupied by the protesters. Thousands of workers and youth keep bringing food and tents, preventing the military from releasing traffic on the avenues that cross the square.
The revolution is threatened. On one side, major sectors of the Egyptian bourgeoisie are united with the Army leaders to implement the U.S. plan of a "democratic" transition without significant changes in political and economic regime, nor the pro-imperialist role Egypt plays in the region. On the other side, the population keeps the demonstrations and discussions on how to overthrow Mubarak and his political regime.
In order to win, the working people and the youth have to maintain and strengthen the mobilizations, divide the grassroot of the army and unite the youth organizations to the districts’ defense committees and independent trade unions to create an alternative power of workers and the poor people. This will lead to a worker’s government, able to lead the revolution till the end in order to guarantee food, jobs, wages, democratic rights and the much needed rupture with imperialism and Israel, breaking off diplomatic agreements with them and opening the borders with Gaza Strip.
Solidarity demonstrations all over the world, denouncing the plans of the U.S. imperialism and their allies in Europe, is also vital to the victory of the revolution. It is necessary to demand from all governments the immediate rupture of diplomatic, political, economical and military relations with Egypt.
No trust in the negotiations!
No trust in the military! "
"There are news about Omar Soliman 's intention to attack the protestors in Tahrir Square ,and this is right after he announced that
he will not tolerate the protests any more and that Egyptians are not ready for
democracy now, and after clashes between him and Samy Anan, the General Military Officer, after Anan refused to use violence against protestors.
His plan is to gather 30 thousand armed security forces soldiers
and let them get into Tahrir square as normal civilians,
and surround Tahrir Square from eight different directions then start
throwing gas bombs on protestors, and after one hour the security shoud come and free the place from the protestors.
Youth April 6 appeals to all human rights orgaizations and all people defending democracy to interfere immediately to stop this criminal plan
to end our peaceful demonstrations..
We need everyone's support against this terrorism and dictatorship.
Please show your solidarity with the Egyptian Revolution which this tyranic regime wants to end by any means.."